Election Governance in Bangladesh

"Election Governance in Bangladesh"

                                                                         Tanjil Ahmed
The writer is Prime Minister Gold Medalist 

Contents



1.      Abstract  

The paper has evaluated the election governance in Bangladesh. The paper is a descriptive and qualitative in nature and mainly based on secondary literature. For doing this study, conceptual clarification has been done first. Bangladesh since its independence has gone through several changes in its electoral systems as it started as a parliamentary form of government, then switched over to presidential system and again shifted back to parliamentary system in 1991. After independence, there have been 11 national elections under different electoral systems and democracy has been under continuous threat from changing patterns of the elections. Bangladesh election commission is the main authority to govern election system in our country. Then, in order to understand election governance process, Bangladeshi elections has been evaluated by analyzing all the national elections held since independence. Apart from these, major factors and challenges of holding a free, fair and credible election in Bangladesh have been examined. The meaning of   “election governance” is often equated with “electoral administration”.  electoral  governance  is  conceived  as  merely  a  mechanism  for  establishing regulatory bodies and rules. Our prime goal is to show readers that electoral governance is a process that starts with the enactment of legislation, continues with administrative enforcement and judicial response, and concludes when the process returns to the beginning, either through judicial interpretation or recommendation by a legislative body.

Keywords: Election, governance, democracy, electoral governance, election commission.


Serial No.

 

 

Name of the chapter

 

Abstract

 

Chapter: One

Introduction

1.1.

 

Introduction

1.2.

 

Objectives of the study

 

Chapter: Two

Methodology

2.1.

 

Methodology of the study

2.2

 

Sampling and Analysis Plan

 

Chapter: Three

Literature Review

3.1.

 

Literature Review

 

Chapter: Fourth

Legal Framework

4.1

 

Legal Framework of Electoral Process in Bangladesh

 

Chapter: Five

Findings of the Study

5.1.

 

Election System in Bangladesh: Electoral system and democratic governance in Bangladesh

5.2

 

Rules and regulations of the Electoral System in Bangladesh

5.3

 

Election Commission in Bangladesh

5.4

 

Composition of Election Commission in Bangladesh

5.5

 

Functions of election commission

5.6

 

Code of conduct for political parties and candidates

5.7

 

Complaints and appeals

5.8

 

Analysis of past elections in Bangladesh                                                                               

5.9

 

How Far the Elements of the Free, Fair and Credible: Election have been Ensured in Bangladesh?

5.10

 

Challenges of Free, Fair and Credible Election in Bangladesh

 

Chapter: Six

Conclusion and Recommendation

6.1

 

Recommendations

6.2

 

Conclusion

 

References

                              Chapter-one

              Introduction

Chapter summary

This chapter depicts the background of the research, why this issue has been taken as a research topic. What has the significance of the issue is, illustration and statement on the issue also been discussed here. Research objective and research question have been given in this chapter.

    


1.1      Introduction

The election is one of the key components in ensuring democracy because they “enhance citizens’ participation in governance, ensure government accountability and encourage political competition”. The free, fair and credible election is one of the basic and crucial prerequisites and elements of democratic government and governance. The election would be credible, when rules, regulations and laws governing the electoral process will be followed by and ultimately, the credible candidate will be freely and fairly elected to represent the electorate. Free and fair elections have major four components. These are: Independent political parties will compete in electoral process in freely and fairly, Individual must be free to participate in politics and election process based on their own choice, Election process would be free and fair so that every adult franchise can apply their voting right equally with equal weight and Finally, outcome of the election or counting vote would be accurate and legitimate. Thus, when all the four variables mentioned above will be available in the process, conduct and outcome of an election, that election could be considered to be free, fair and credible. Election governance is a crucial variable in securing the credibility of elections in emerging democracies. It conceptualizes electoral governance as a set of related activities that involves rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication. It identifies the provision of procedural certainty to secure the substantive uncertainty of democratic elections as the principal task of electoral governance. It argues that electoral governance, while socially and institutionally embedded, matters most during the indeterminate conditions that typically attend democratization.

 

1.2.     Objectives of the study

           The Subordinate objectives of this study are -

  • ·         To know the election system in Bangladesh.

  • ·         To know the background of Bangladesh election system

  • ·         To gather real knowledge about Legal Framework of the Electoral Process in Bangladesh

  • ·         To know the Composition of Election Commission in Bangladesh 

  • ·         To know the Functions of the election commission

  • ·         To Analysis the past elections in Bangladesh

  • ·         To gather knowledge about Challenges of election governance in Bangladesh


                            Chapter - two

       Methodology

Chapter summary

This chapter delineates primary and secondary data collection procedure .survey, questionnaire, interview content analysis discuss briefly here. Sample frame also has been given in this chapter.

 

 

2.1      Methodology of the study

This is a qualitative analysis mainly based on the sources of data.  To make this report meaningful and presentable, we collect secondary data from internet, different journals, regular reporting articles, book, newspaper etc.


Tools

Who and What

Why

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

Qualitative

tool

 

 

 

 

Content analysis

As part of the study, brief review of available literature and government policies, articles, books, research papers and other materials related to the research issues will be reviewed

To know the different initiatives and previous study.

 

 

 

KII

Government officers, local representatives, and members of professional group’s local elite.

To gather a detail and deep picture of situation, total KII will be conducted. With the intention to understand the realistic situation of research areas

FGD (FGD participants will include case study)

Teachers, religious leaders, worker, day laborer etc.

To gather in-depth scenario

 

 

Quantitative tool

 

 

Interview (survey)

 

100 voters of focus unions

To portraying the gross scenario of the target areas and issues

2.2   Sampling and Analysis Plan:

A totality of 100 respondents will be selected from the inhabitants of two specific Union Parishads (Trishal and Osmanpur Union) of Trishal Upazilla and Kuliarchar Upazila. Collected data will be organized characteristically and the coding activities will be done manually. Prepared data will be analyzed statistically with data analysis software ‘MS Excel’ and ‘Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS)’ and will be presented in the report accordingly. In the whole research process, ethical ground and confidentiality will be maintained strictly.

 

                                                            Chapter-three

            Literature Review

 

Chapter summary

This chapter attempts has been taken to develop a literature review for analyzing the research issue said in the earlier .

 

 

 

3.1.      Literature Review

The term Election governance is composed of two keywords- election and governance. Before defining election governance it is necessary to define election and governance.

An election is a formal group discussion making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office.  Elections have been the usual mechanism by which modern representative democracy has operated since the 17th century. Elections may fill offices in the legislatures, sometimes in the executive and judiciary, and for regional and local government. This process is also used in many other private and business organizations, from clubs to voluntary association and cooperation.

Collins Dictionary defined, an election is a process in which people vote to choose a person or group of people to hold an official position.

Business Dictionary defined, the act of a party casting votes to elect an individual for some type of position. Elections may involve a public or private vote depending on the position. Most positions in the local, state, and federal governments are voting on in some type of election.

Governance is the process of decision making and the process through which decisions are taken and implemented or not implemented.

World Bank: Governance is defined “as the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources for development. Good governance is synonymous with sound development management.”

Election governance involves an ongoing cycle of stakeholders acting at different stages of the electoral process. Electoral governance is thus characterized by the relation between the rules, the actors and the procedures that are performed during the electoral process for its organization as well as for the resolution of disputes.

An election system is a set of rules that determine how elections and referendums are conducted and how their results are determined. Political election systems are organized by governments, while non-political elections may take place in business, non-profit organizations and informal organizations.

Election systems consist of sets of rules that govern all aspects of the voting process: when elections occur, who is allowed to vote, who can stand as a candidate, how ballots are marked and cast, how the ballots are counted (electoral method), limits on campaign spending, and other factors that can affect the outcome.

Election systems are defined by constitutions and electoral laws, are typically conducted by election commissions and can use multiple types of elections for different offices.

Some electoral systems elect a single winner to a unique position, such as prime minister, president or governor, while others elect multiple winners, such as members of parliament or boards of directors.

 

Types of the election system

There are a large number of variations in electoral systems, but the most common systems are first-past-the-post voting, the two-round (runoff) the system, representation and ranked or preferential voting. Some electoral systems, such as mixed systems, attempt to combine the benefits of non-proportional and proportional systems. Plurality system is an election system in which each voter is allowed to vote for only one candidate and the candidate who polls the most among their counterparts is elected. In a system based on single-member districts, it may be called first-past-the-post (FPTP),

Majoritarian systems is a the system in which candidates have to receive a majority of the votes to be elected, although in some cases only a plurality is required in the last round of counting if no candidate can achieve a majority. There are two main forms of majoritarian systems, one using a single round of ranked voting and the other using two or more rounds. Both are primarily used for single-member constituencies.

Proportional representation is the most widely used electoral system for national legislatures, with the parliaments of over eighty countries elected by various forms of the system. Party-list proportional representation is the single most common electoral system and is used by 80 countries, and involves voters voting for a list of candidates proposed by a party. In closed list systems voters do not have any influence over the candidates put forward by the party, but in open list systems voters are able to both vote for the party list and influence the order in which candidates will be assigned seats. In some countries, notably Israel and the Netherlands, elections are carried out using 'pure' proportional representation, with the votes tallied on a national level before assigning seats to parties. However, in most cases several multi-member constituencies are used rather than a single nationwide constituency, giving an element of geographical representation.

Mixed systems, In several countries, mixed systems are used to elect the legislature. These include parallel voting and mixed-member proportional representation.

In parallel voting systems, which are used in 20 countries, there are two methods by which members of a legislature are elected; part of the membership is elected by a plurality or majority vote in single-member constituencies and the other part by proportional representation. The results of the constituency vote has no effect on the outcome of the proportional vote.

Mixed-member proportional representation, in use in eight countries, also sees the membership of the legislature elected by constituency and proportional methods, but the results of the proportional vote are adjusted to balance the seats won in the constituency vote in order to ensure that parties have a number of seats proportional to their vote share. This may result in overhang seats where parties win more seats in the constituency system than they would be entitled to base on their vote share. Variations of this include the Additional Member System and Alternative Vote Plus, in which voters rank candidates, and the other from multi-member constituencies elected on a proportional party-list basis. A form of mixed-member proportional representation, Scorpio, was used in Italy from 1993 until 2006.

Indirect elections, some elections feature an indirect electoral system, whereby there is either no popular vote or the popular vote is only one stage of the election; in these systems, the final vote is usually taken by an electoral college. In several countries, such as Mauritius or Trinidad and Tobago, the post of President is elected by the legislature. In others like India, the vote is taken by an electoral college consisting of the national legislature and state legislatures. In the United States, the president is indirectly elected using a two-stage process; a popular vote in each state elects members to the Electoral College that in turn elects the President. This can result in a situation where a candidate who receives the most votes nationwide does not win the Electoral College vote, as most recently happened in 2000 and 2016. (encyclopedia, 2019).

 

                            Chapter-Fourth

                                       Legal Framework

 

Chapter summary

This chapter attempts has been taken to develop a  Legal Framework for analyzing the research issue said in the earlier .

 


4.1      Legal Framework of Electoral Process in Bangladesh

Election commission of Bangladesh is a constitutional body. The structure and functions of the election commission (EC) are enumerated in part vii (Articles 118-126) of the constitution of Bangladesh and some other laws. The key legal instruments for the conduct of the elections are:

  • ·         Constitution of Bangladesh (COB, 1972 up to 15th amendment 2011)
  • ·         Representation of people order (RPO, 1972, amended up to 2008)
  • ·         Code of conduct for political parties and candidates (2008)
  • ·         Delimitation of constituencies’ ordinance (1976)
  • ·         Election roll ordinance (2007)


                             Chapter-five

            Empirical finding

 

Chapter summary

Qualitative and quantitative data are presented here. Data of the study as well as analysis of the survey data and evidence, interview of the stakeholder are given here; this chapter illustrated through the qualitative data presentation of the view Election Governance in Bangladesh.




   5.1  Composition of Election Commission in Bangladesh 

     Article 118 of the constitution provides for the establishment of an EC in Bangladesh. The EC consists of a chief election commissioner and not more than four election commissioners. The appointment of the chief election commissioner and other election commissioners is conducted by the president [Art. 118(1)]. Under the constitution, the term of office of any election commissioner is five years from the date on which he enters upon office. A person who has held office as chief election commissioner and other election commissioners are not eligible for appointment in the other service of the republic [Art. 118(3)]. A commissioner shall not be removed from office except on the ground of gross misconduct like judges of Supreme Court as per Art. 118(5) of the Bangladesh constitution.

The electoral process for local government institutions, the parliament, and the president are constitutionally guaranteed by the constitution of Bangladesh (Art. 119). In addition, the president will provide necessary staffs as deem to assist the election commission (Art. 120). For the preparation of electoral roll Article 121 of cob, provides- "There shall be one electoral roll for each constituency for the purposes of elections to parliament, and no special electoral roll shall be prepared so as to classify electors according to religion, race caste or sex”. The EC has a permanent secretariat as per the election commission secretariat act, 2009, headed by a secretary to administer the electoral process and is represented across Bangladesh. The secretariat is in Dhaka and has an electoral training institute, field offices at the regional, district and Thana level. There are 10 regional election offices and 83 district election offices in the 64 districts each headed by a district election officer and 481 Upazila election offices. To deal the nominations, election administration and results in the process each constituency has a returning officer (RO). The RPO provides that ROS are appointed by the EC. There are also assistant returning officers (ARO) to support the process


5.2      Functions of election commission

According to Article 118 (4) and 126 of the constitution and Article 4 and 5 of the representation of the people’s order [24], the EC is an independent constitutional body that exercises of its functions relating to elections. The EC is authorized any of its members to exercise and perform or any of its powers and functions under the election law. Thus, the EC has the power to perform such functions for the purpose of election. As per section 5(2) of RPO and Article 126 of cob, “all executive authorities of the government shall assist the commission in the performance of its functions, and for this purpose, the president may, after consultation with the commission, issue such directions as he may consider necessary” 

ü   Delimitation of constituencies for the purpose of elections of Member of Parliament;

  • Conducting elections for the office of Honorable President, Members of Parliament, different
  • Local Government Bodies and electoral processes prescribed by any other law;
  • Preparing and updating electoral rolls for the purpose of all national and local level elections;
  • Preparation and distribution of National Identity Cards (NID);
  • Constituting Electoral Tribunal and disposal of election disputes in accordance with law;
  • Registration of political parties and allocation and reservation of symbols for registered political parties and candidates;
  • Correspondence and coordination with different international and regional organizations, and seminars and activities relating to formulation of contracts; and
  • Preparation of proposals for formulating laws, rules, regulations, and guidelines with regard to elections and the Election Commission.  

 

5.3    Code of conduct for political parties and candidates

Under the authority of Article 91b of the RPO the EC promulgated a code of conduct for political parties and candidates for the parliamentary elections 2008. The code had the status of a law, and persons could be punished and/or disqualified for violating it. The code provided for a more restricted, managed, framework for the campaign. Basic rights and freedoms were provided for, but various limitations were also evident as compared to previous elections. It was argued that these were designed to address problems experienced during past campaigns-particularly “money and muscle” of the parties and generally there was positive feedback in terms of what many characterized as a more orderly and acceptable election campaign. The code of conduct was a laudable attempt to establish the dos and don’ts for the campaign and create a level playing field. However, it seemed from reports that the election commission lacked the capacity or time to fully enforce the code, preferring instead to issue warnings on occasions. Many aspects of it were respected and it appeared it was well understood by parties and candidates.

 

5.4     Complaints and appeals

Procedures and systems for complaints and appeals varied depending upon the stage of the electoral process. For instance:

 

ü  Appeals during the voter registration phase were to be made directly to the registration officer;

ü   Appeals against candidate nomination were to be made to the RO with a further appeal to the EC;

ü   The EC’s decision was final according to the RPO;

ü  Complaints regarding campaign violations were determined by an election enquiry committee

ü  Appeals against a decision of an EEC were made to the EC, which had final authority;

ü  A petition against the result of the election was to be made to the high court;

ü  For the Election Day, EEC’s were active as were mobile teams of judicial magistrates, which could hear and/or investigate complaints and could conduct summary trials. In addition, mobile teams of executive magistrates for law and order issues were also provided for;

ü  For a complaint against the process in a polling booth to be valid, it had to be made to the relevant presiding the officer in the first instance.


5.5      Analysis of past elections in Bangladesh


After the country's liberation in 1971, seven out of 11 national elections were held under democratic practice. Other three elections were held under autocratic regimes. The elections under democratic regimes were held under different structures of electoral systems and most of them were criticized for lacking many factors of good democratic governance. 

In January 1972 Bangladesh elected an interim government based on the outcome of 1970 elections in undivided Pakistan with Justice Abu Sayeed Chowdhury as President and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as Prime Minister of the new born country. Released from Pakistani prison, Bangabandhu returned to his independent homeland on January 10, 1972, amid a tumultuous emotional welcome by his fellow countrymen. He took office as the Prime Minister and formed the new constitution of Bangladesh, which provided for a strong executive prime minister, a largely ceremonial presidency, an independent judiciary and a unicameral legislature on a modified Westminster model with emphasis on protecting the sovereignty of the nation. The constitution also adopted nationalism, secularism, socialism and democracy as the four state principles.

The election of March 1973, a start of democratic practice in Bangladesh, was the first to be held under the 1972 constitution enabling people to elect their government. The election was held under the government and the same party retained power, but in that vote no party challenged the popularity, charisma and acceptance of Sheikh Mujib among Bangladeshis. The election was a free, fair and credible one in a sense though without competition. In spite of his sheer willingness to establish democratic practices, Sheikh Mujib was forced to establish a one-party system, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) in December 1974 confronting economic deterioration and growing civil disorder which required to be handled with strong measures. 

Though BAKSAL is known as one of the greatest mistakes of Bangabandhu, it is still a matter of debate if BAKSAL was an effective measure to handle the intolerable insurgencies, affecting the economy negatively, throughout the new born Bangladesh. After Mujib's assassination, the power of the government rotated between hands and finally settled in the hands of the then Chief of Army Staff General Ziaur Rahman. He declared martial law and became the Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA). Later Zia achieved a 5-year term as President in an election in June 1978, but through several restrictions he kept other political parties away from the election in an undemocratic-process. 

Zia removed the restrictions of martial law as February 1979 election was held with 30 parties' participation known as Zia's transformation of Bangladeshi government from the MLA to a democratic, elected and constitutional one.  He formed Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) which has been led by his widow Khaleda Zia since his death. Though his autocratic practices and working as head of state during the election influenced its outcome and was far away from the democratic governance. Zia's regime ended with his assassination in May 1981 and after some instability, Army Chief of Staff Lt Gen H M Ershad came into power through a bloodless coup in March-1982.

Ershad, controversially the most autocratic leader Bangladesh ever had, suspended the constitution and declared martial law. He assumed the presidency retaining his position as army chief and chief martial law administrator. Later he formed Jatiya Party and moved from martial law to party based electoral system. Despite BNP's boycott, the third national election was held in May 1986 and Jatiya Party came into power by voting fraud.

Facing huge protests and nationwide strikes for arresting the opposition activists pushed Ershad to declare state of emergency. Dissolving the parliament, he scheduled national elections on March 1988.  Major opposition parties boycotted the election feeling the government was incapable of holding a fair election.  The 1988 national election brought Ershad back into power in absence of competition and recorded another autocratic election rejecting the idea of democratic governance. Afterwards political scenario got very vulnerable as frequent strikes, campus protests, public rallies and violent clashes with law enforcers became a common scene and eventually Ershad stepped down in December 1990. According to the proposed framework of all political parties, an interim government was formed and after only two months, country's first democratic election after 1973 election was held on February 1991 and BNP assumed the power. The parliamentary system was restored as the governing power returned to the prime minister. The interim government was successful to ensure free, fair and credible election. 

But the BNP tried to regain power after their usual 5-year term through a rigged election in February 1996. Despite their landslide victory, BNP could not keep hold of power under continuous political turmoil. A neutral caretaker government was formed under the leadership of Chief Advisor and parliamentary election was held in June 1996, won by the Awami League leading Sheikh Hasina to become the prime minister. Sheikh Hasina government successfully concluded 5 year term though BNP kept walking out of parliamentary sessions repeatedly alleging police and AL activists to be involved in large scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. 

Considering opposition demand, a caretaker government was formed and AL stepped down from the power. In October 2001, BNP led alliance came into power with landslide victory and formed government. BNP completed their 5 year term but tried to form a biased caretaker government approaching national election by the end of 2006. Huge protests were staged by AL and bloody clashes flooded the streets leading formation of a new caretaker government with Fakhruddin Ahmed, former World Bank economist and Bangladesh Bank Governor, as Chief Advisor. 

This caretaker government was to hold election within three months but being controlled by the army, they stayed in power for two years eyeing on restructuring the political parties with new leadership. They charged both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia with several corruption charges and arrested almost 200,000 political activists. The caretaker government and army tried to bring in two new parties under the leadership of Dr Muhammad Younus and Ferdous Qureishi and planned on creating puppet government and eventually capturing the power as Zia and Ershad.  But under huge protest of the people along with international pressure and both local and international economic depression, they had to move away and national election was held on December 2008 and AL came into power. This caretaker government created distrust among the political parties regarding caretaker government to be an option for holding free, fair and credible election.

In January 2014, AL regained power for consecutively the second term in the face of huge protest from BNP. Despite BNP-led alliance's boycott, the election was held under the AL government eliminating the idea of the caretaker government. BNP tried to pressurize the government through violent strikes but failed to create any force on the government. 11th General elections were held in 
Bangladesh on 30 December 2018 to elect members of the Jatiya Sangsad. The result was a landslide victory for the Awami League led by Sheikh Hasina (agency, 2018).

 

5.6 How Far the Elements of the Free, Fair and Credible: Election have been Ensured in Bangladesh?

From review and analysis of past elections in Bangladesh we found that some elements exist but some are absent. One of the elements of free and fair elections is an enabling legislative framework. From the foregoing discussion, we have found several laws and constitutional provisions for holding free, fair and credible elections in Bangladesh. In theory, the legal framework of the electoral process in Bangladesh is very strong and election commission is an independent institution. However, in practice, it has been found that elections held under political government are not sound and credible enough. Most of the elections held under ruling/ political government are manipulated, less competitive and controversial. On the hand, four elections held under nonpolitical and interim caretaker government were more competitive, fair and credible, and accepted by national and international election observers and media. Universal adult franchise and direct and secret voting system are two other elements of free and fair elections. In Bangladesh, the electoral process followed by the direct and secret voting system.

However, equal voting rights are not always ensured especially when elections held under the political or ruling government as some major political parties were boycotted the elections. Even, many voters were deprived to apply their voting rights as their votes were cast by muscles men before they entered the election booth. Independence of EC is another criterion of the free and fair election.

In theory, the EC of Bangladesh is very independent as constitution and RPO. However, in practice, it has been noticed that the EC is not free and fair enough under the ruling government from the independence of Bangladesh. Even, some local government elections the EC including some political parties demanded army deployment to the government so that election can be held under the sound law and order situation. The deployment of the army also needed to protect and ensure the security of voters. But the government did not supply the army and a lot of incidence of violence and firings happened in the city corporation elections in Bangladesh.

Therefore, another element of free and fair election is the security of voters must be ensured before and after the election has been violated severely. The impartial and neutral practice of election administration is another important feature of free and fair elections. In Bangladesh, though legal instruments of the electoral process are very strong to deal fairly as an institute but in practice, the EC and election administration is not neutral and independent enough and dominated by the government. Besides these, a competitive election among all parties and impartiality of acting government are not ensured except four elections held under CTG in 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2008.

Access to media and election observers in the election process; and free speech and association are two other very vital components of free, fair and credible elections. In Bangladesh, these two elements visible strongly but when elections held under ruling government, opposition political parties have been claiming for manipulation and election engineering against the government and election administration since independence. Low trust or lack of trust among political parties is one of the vital problems in Bangladesh. As a result, lack of reliability in holding elections under ruling government and claim and blame game is going on from the very beginning of independent Bangladesh.

 

5.7  Challenges of Free, Fair and Credible Election in Bangladesh

 

What are the challenges of free, fair and credible elections in Bangladesh has been evaluated based on the analysis of past elections.

Role of EC

The role of the election commission (EC) is the most crucial in ensuring free, fair and credible election in a country. However, the role of the EC depends on the extent of independence as an institution. In Bangladesh, the EC is a constitutional body and completely independent. Therefore, the EC of Bangladesh is independent in theory but in practice, it has been facing numerous challenges since the independence of Bangladesh. To ensure the security of the electoral stakeholders such as voters, candidates, poll workers, media and the election observers and to maintain law and order the EC has to depend on government agencies and security providers.

Role of government

In the context Bangladesh, the role of the government is the most influential which has been proved by the previous discussion. Without fair and neutral dealing of government, no election can be free and fair as everything is controlled by the government in Bangladesh. However, the government has many challenges. First, every incumbent government has failed to attract opposition political parties to compete for elections. Therefore, most of the elections held under ruling or elected government were not competitive, fair and out of controversy. Another big challenge of elected government is party loyal leaders and nominated candidates do overwhelming activities before and after elections. Thus, the election atmosphere has hampered and violates the environment of a free, fair and credible election.

Role of political parties

The role of political parties is very crucial to ensure a free, fair and credible election in a country. However, in Bangladesh confrontational politics and lack of trust among political parties are great problems which are great hindrances to ensure free and fair election. Blame and claim to each other are a culture of politics in Bangladesh which creates a chaotic situation and decorates law and order. As a result, level playing field and sound atmosphere for holding free, fair and credible elections are violated in Bangladesh from its journey as an independent state [28]. Besides, the free and fair election is hampered by the political parties by money and muscles.

5.8 Role of the nonparty caretaker government

In the context of Bangladesh, it has been found in the analysis of previous elections that nonparty caretaker government is very effective to hold election freely and fairly. From 1991 to 2014 four elections were held under the caretaker government in Bangladesh which were more competitive, free, fair and credible and appreciated by the national and International community. However, the loser party or allies did not accept those elections happily and claimed that those elections were manipulated by the Election Administration and CTG in favor of winner party or allies. Therefore, a non-party caretaker government is the best and natural for an independent EC.


                              Chapter-Six

                           Conclusion and Recommendation

 

Chapter summary

According to data analysis, under the umbrella of research objective and research questions finding have been drawn in this chapter. With this attempt, the related recommendation has been given in line with the finding and analysis for Election Governance in Bangladesh.

 

 


 6.1.     Recommendations

Throughout the discussion, it has been found that democratic governance depends firstly on free, fair and competitive elections but beside these, many other factors related to this. Moreover, a free and fair election also depends on many other auxiliary actors and factors. If we ensure the following measures, it is possible to ensure free, fair election in our country as well as it is easy to combat with the above challenges. 

  •          The neutral and impartial functions of the EC,
  •      The incumbent government, political parties, media, law enforcing agencies
  •      Accurate voter list,
  •          Before and after the security of electorates to ensure equal voting rights
  •         And finally accurate vote counting.
  •      Strong monitoring power of EC is also responsible for unfair and nontransparent elections.
  •          Independent court of EC in Bangladesh to settle disputes and complaints.

 6.2      Conclusion

A free, fair and credible election in a democracy requires an electoral system creating level playing field for all political parties while promoting people's participation in the polls. A free and fair election is a basic requirement of democratic governance. However, if the election is not conducted in a competitive and inclusive manner, the government loses the legitimacy and confidence of citizens that lead to the disparity and civil disorder in society. Therefore, a sound democracy needs free, fair and credible elections and active parliament where both position and opposition will play a fair role to reflect the will of the general people. In this study, it has been found that most of the elections held in Bangladesh are defective and not free, fair and credible. Though the elections held under caretaker government were accepted by all and comparatively fair, however, the provision of the caretaker government also abolished by the fifteen amendment of Bangladesh Constitution. Most of the criteria of free, fair and credible election mentioned above have not been fulfilled in the last election in Bangladesh. In this study, it has also been proved that mere the role of EC is not enough for holding a free, fair and credible election in Bangladesh. Though several provisions of the constitution and election-related laws exist in Bangladesh but in practice the role of incumbent government is above all. Therefore, the neutral role of government and EC for holding free, fair and credible elections is facing a great challenge in Bangladesh from its inception. However, we will hope that Bangladesh can combat to all challenges to ensure free and fair election.

 

 

 References

·        Mollah AH (2016) Free, Fair and Credible Election and Democratic Governance in Bangladesh: How Far the Dream of Success? Review Pub Administration Manag 4: 193. doi:10.4172/2315-7844.1000193

·       Bangladesh election commission retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh_Election_Commission

·        Pakbir Hossain Mosharref Mir, Electoral system and democratic governance in Bangladesh,  Published: Tuesday, 9 January, 2018 at 12:00 AM

·       Elections in Bangladesh retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_Bangladesh

·       Electoral system retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system

·       Electoral Governance: More Than Just Electoral Administration retrieved from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1870057815000037



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